Abstract

Images of disability in media, both accurate and stereotypical, have a powerful effect on the opinions and actions of individuals. Although researchers have noted and categorized ways that disability has been portrayed in movies and on television over many decades, little research has focused on more recent media. Furthermore, extant research has focused on physical, sensory, and psychiatric disabilities, leaving autism spectrum disorder (ASD) under-researched. This paper describes and analyzes portrayals of ASD in the past decade (2010–2019) in television series produced primarily in the United States and marketed for popular audiences. This media content analysis utilized a movie rating tool designed to assess the presence or absence of previously researched disability stereotypes (Safran, 2000). Using this tool, trained undergraduate students rated twelve television series spanning eight genres. Numerical and narrative data were used to categorize series as more positive/realistic or more negative/stereotypical. Results revealed ten of the twelve to be overall positive/realistic, although stereotypes of disability persisted throughout all series. ASD is increasingly visible on the small screen; it is imperative that images in media consumed by the general public present disability, and specifically ASD, in accurate, positive, realistic, and non-stereotyped ways. The paper concludes with recommendations toward this goal.


Popular media, especially film and television, serve as important sources of information for non-disabled people about the lives of disabled individuals and the barriers and complex experiences that comprise their lives (Donaldson, 2005). However, there is a significant lack of accurate information regarding disabilities, their manifestations, and everyday life realities (Campbell, 2014) within screen media, as these media often present disabled people in stereotypic and negative ways (Prochnow, 2014). Consequences of these negative or stereotypical portrayals include discrimination, "othering," and unequal educational and other opportunities for disabled individuals (Black & Pretes, 2007).

Media sources such as film and television may provide a primary source of information about certain disorders and disabilities for non-disabled people, as characters on screen may be their first or only "encounter" with a disabled individual (Agosto, 2014). For children and youth, school curricula may not present disability accurately or sufficiently, leaving students to gain ideas from screen media instead (Connor & Bejoian, 2006). Just as negative depictions of disability in media have serious consequences, accurate media portrayals can lead to positive social change and increased opportunities for disabled individuals (Agosto, 2014). Media sources can educate people of all ages, leading them to challenge their perceptions of disabled people and question stereotypes about disability.

Early Depictions of Disability in American Film and Television

Characters with physical and sensory disabilities appeared in movies as early as 1898, and depictions of psychiatric disability began to appear in the early twentieth century (Norden, 1994; Safran, 1998b). Overwhelmingly, these early films portrayed disability in stereotyped and inaccurate ways, and represented certain disabilities disproportionately (Safran, 1998a; 1998b). The disabled character was commonly depicted as pitiful, dangerous, or child-like, and inevitably segregated (Bogdan & Biklen, 1977; Nelson, 1994), and their disabilities were represented as punishment for evil, causing them to be embittered and resentful of and/or dangerous to non-disabled people (Longmore, 1987). Additionally, scholars have long articulated the use of disabled characters as supporting devices to allow an overall storyline to advance. These characters served to exaggerate comedy or drama within the themes of the film or were used as a plot device to advance the storyline for other characters (Bogdan et al., 1982), thus serving as a narrative prosthesis (Mitchell & Snyder, 2014) in which disabled characters or bodies were inserted into a narrative in order to provide an avenue for plot development.

While most early screen media studies focused on feature films, similar depictions were found in prime time television programming, with disabled characters largely absent or portrayed in negative roles. Donaldson (1981) thus concluded that television served more to maintain societal devaluation of disabled individuals than to foster positive attitudes and encourage interaction.

Psychiatric, Physical, and Sensory Disabilities on Screen

Studies of American movies released in the United States prior to 1988 (Levers, 2001) and from 1988–2010 (Sherman, 2012) found that the majority of representations of psychiatric disability were negative and stereotyped. When creating these characters, disabled individuals, disability scholars, and psychologists were not consulted, as moviemakers took creative liberty in outlining the mannerisms, speech, and role of the characters (Safran, 1998a), and normalization of psychiatric disorders and mental illness was not prominent (Donaldson, 2005).

Norden (1994), in a study of movies throughout the 20th century, analyzed portrayals of physical and sensory disabilities, identifying categories such as the unattractive villain, the "sweet innocent," "comic misadventurer" or subject of humor, "civilian superstar" or "supercrip" who inspires by overcoming their disability, and the "tragic victim" (pp. 20–33). In an analysis of eighteen films released between 1975 and 2004 that had a main character with a physical disability, Black and Pretes (2007) similarly found that these characters were represented stereotypically on a personal level and in their societal roles. As in earlier studies, characters were portrayed as pitiful, sinister, or burdensome. In their interpersonal relationships and community integration, these characters were likely to struggle with education and employment opportunities, and were rarely shown in healthy intimate relationships. Instead, the character served as a motivational role model within the film, echoing Norden's (1994) "supercrip" who shows immense courage and determination in overcoming their disability. Corbella and Acevedo (2010) found these same representations in their study of visual impairment in movies.

Effects of Disability Portrayals

How and to what degree media images influence viewers' attitudes and perceptions has been a topic of study at least since Marshall McLuhan's 1964 seminal work on media theory. Social–cognitive theory characterizes media viewers as consciously reflecting on and learning from media; thus media images construct social reality (Bandura, 2001; Hawkins & Pingree, 1981). Specific to disability portrayals, a number of studies assert or interpret media effects on viewers' awareness, knowledge, or understanding of disability (Connor & Bejoian, 2007; Haller, 2010; Longmore, 1987; Mitchell, 2008; Safran 1998b; Samsel & Perera, 2013).

Negative Portrayals and their Consequences

Hayes and Black (2003) outlined four components of a discourse of pity –– confinement, hope for rehabilitation, denial of rehabilitation, and reconciliation to confinement. They found that while films had improved over time in regard to disability portrayal, they had been "unable to shed the encasing logic of pity" (para. 3), raising concern that when films constantly evoked feelings of pity toward disabled characters, viewers would then carry these feelings into their interactions with disabled individuals in their lives. Walker (2016), analyzing twenty films released after 2000 that portrayed characters with physical, psychiatric, sensory, or intellectual /developmental disabilities, similarly found in a significant minority of the films themes of pity and degradation, as these characters experienced lack of support and independence, showed suicidal tendencies, engaged in unhealthy coping mechanisms, and experienced negative attitudes from others.

Black and Pretes (2007) identified discrimination or prejudice towards disabled people, or ableism, as a negative outcome of stereotypic media portrayal. Paralleling racism and sexism, ableism creates negative feelings and low self-worth in those being discriminated against. Exploring the intersection of racism and disability discrimination, Agosto (2014), in a critical analysis of movies released from 1994 to 2012, found that stereotypes associated with race and disability created a complex narrative that influenced individual behavior, societal attitudes, and cultural awareness and knowledge of how Black disabled youth fit into society.

Positive Portrayals and their Consequences

Just as inaccurate and stereotypical representations of disability negatively impact societal perceptions and attitudes, realistic portrayals can enact positive change. Media sources can help foster more positive attitudes towards disabled persons (Safran, 2000), and portrayals that more accurately reflect the realities of life with a disability can promote societal inclusion and lessen alienation (Farnall & Smith, 1999).

After viewing films with more positive and accurate portrayals of people with disabilities, viewers were more likely to identify disability discrimination and less likely to express negative feelings when interacting with disabled individuals (Farnall & Smith, 1999; Black & Pretes, 2007). For example, after viewing My Left Foot, a film that portrays the early life of Irish writer and painter Christy Brown, who had cerebral palsy, study participants were significantly more likely to notice discrimination related to educational opportunities. Similarly, viewers of Born on the Fourth of July, a movie following a paralyzed Vietnam veteran, were better at recognizing discrimination related to entry into public spaces and events (Black & Pretes, 2007).

Screen Media Impact on Children and Youth. The impact of positive portrayals was not limited to adults. Orta (2016) found that after viewing a video clip containing a panel of teens with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), teenage study participants were more likely to report, via a psychological questionnaire, positive feelings toward individuals with ASD than did a control group.

Screen media can be an effective tool for teaching about disability (Preston, 2010; Safran, 2000). Using well-chosen films in the classroom can encourage discussion, challenge perceptions (Kennedy & Menten, 2010; Pescosolido, 1990), and create awareness and acceptance of disability. Connor and Bejoian (2006) asserted that using movies in the classroom "can be a small but important step in unlearning pervasive stereotypes and acquiring new and different ways to view human difference" (p. 59). Teachers also may benefit, as their understanding, awareness, and knowledge of disabilities are similarly affected by media portrayals, which in turn may influence their perceptions and expectations of students (Samsel & Perepa, 2013). Specific classroom practices recommended by Connor and Bejoian (2007) designed to encourage reexamination of preconceived notions and expand overall understanding of disability, include use of film to (1) facilitate discussion of disability-related language, (2) illustrate that "different" does not mean better or worse, and (3) allow students to analyze simple stereotypes such as "good guys" and "bad guys."

Connor and Bejoian (2006) argued that while positive representations are undoubtedly helpful in the fight for equality and acceptance, even films with negative representations can be useful. Educators might have students view a film that perpetuates negative stereotypes, then challenge them to critique the movie and discuss what the disability should have looked like on screen. As an example, the 1998 film The Mighty reinforces negative stereotypes, yet can still be an effective educational tool to teach students how to recognize and challenge stereotypical representations of disability (Arndt et al., 2010; Maples et al., 2010). Preston (2010) illustrated this approach in classroom lessons using the film Finding Nemo in which students analyzed how Nemo was treated differently because of his "lucky fin." Preston held that teaching students to critique discriminatory behaviors by non-disabled movie characters toward disabled characters had the potential to change how people with disabilities are treated in society.

Autism in Media – Historically Under-researched and Currently Misrepresented

Few peer reviewed studies of portrayals of ASD in media were conducted prior to 2010, but as ASD has moved into the public eye in recent decades, its portrayal has been increasingly a topic of research. Recent studies have found negative and stereotypic portrayals similar to those found in earlier studies that focused on physical, sensory, and psychiatric disability.

As a spectrum disorder, ASD manifests in myriad ways, but its portrayal on the screen tends to reflect only a select few characteristics. Movie and television characters showed lack of diversity in ability, with a majority of characters having high-functioning, savant, or magical abilities, despite the fact that savant syndrome describes only 10% of autistic individuals (Prochnow, 2014; Young, 2012). Nordahl-Hansen et al. (2018) compared ASD portrayals on screen with diagnostic criteria for autism set forth in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM), 5th edition (APA, 2013) and found that nearly 50% of media portrayals presented savant skills. Similarly, media depictions of ASD are further limited in their representation in that they mostly portray white, heterosexual male characters.

Ellis (2010) studied portrayals of ASD in Australian cinema, which she described as having a tendency to feature "bizarre and extraordinary characters that exist on the margins of mainstream society" (para. 1), with somewhat promising findings. She found that recent films were more likely to identify characters who displayed traits of ASD as autistic. Of three of these recent Australian films that explicitly depicted characters with ASD, two portrayed autistic characters with sensitivity and without attribution of superhuman skills. Similar cautious optimism about more recent portrayals characterized the findings of Hannam (2010), who analyzed ten recent films which had characters with ASD, looking for the presence or absence of documented disability stereotypes including (1) the autistic character serving as a plot device for the development of the main character while the autistic character remained unchanged; (2) ASD as an obstacle; (3) the autistic character as a "sweet innocent" (Norden, 1994) or asexual; (4) the autistic character as savant; and (5) the autistic character as isolated from society. Hannam addressed not only the impact on non-disabled viewers, but messages conveyed to autistic students, their peer group, and their families and staff who teach and serve them.

The Current Study

Nearly all extant research on disability portrayals in the media studied movies rather than television. As the line between the big and small screens of movies and television is blurred by the emergence of streaming services, some of which produce their own television series (Barnes, 2019), the lack of research on disability portrayal on the small screen becomes more critical. In addition, despite recent media interest in ASD, most research has remained focused on portrayals of physical, sensory, and psychiatric disabilities.

The current study was designed to investigate recent media portrayals of ASD on the small screen, seeking to address these two questions:

  1. How is ASD portrayed in current popular television series? What constitutes a positive (realistic) portrayal, and what constitutes a negative (stereotypic) portrayal?
  2. In what ways can the use of a rating tool based on previously researched disability stereotypes aid viewers in analyzing and critically assessing ASD portrayals in current television media?

Methods

The current study reviewed and analyzed twelve television series that included a character with ASD, using a rating tool comprising numerical rating items and narrative questions to perform content analysis of these media (Macnamara, 2005; Riffe, 2019; Schreier, 2012).

Selection Criteria for Television Series

The television series selected aired between 2010 and 2019 and had a major character with ASD. These television series included those with characters who had a clearly stated ASD diagnosis, as well as series in which ASD, although not explicitly named in the script, was linked to a character in popular discourse and reviews. The series selected were intended for general television audiences and were available on network television and popular streaming services. They were located by searching keywords (autism/ASD + character + television/TV show) and screened for airing dates. Documentary series were excluded from this study.

Twelve television series met selection criteria. Additional information regarding the target character, release date, content rating, network, and streaming service for these series is outlined below (Table 1). Eight genres were represented in the study: animated sitcom, children's television, comedy-drama, crime, drama, educational entertainment, science fiction, and sitcom.

Table 1 Television series meeting selection criteria
Series Title Target Character Year(s) Content Rating Genre Original Network Streaming Service
Arthur Carl 1996–Present TV–Y educational entertainment PBS PBS Kids
Atypical Sam 2017–Present TV–MA comedy–drama Netflix Netflix
Bob's Burgers Tina 2011–Present TV–PG animated sitcom Fox Hulu
Claws Dean 2017–Present TV–MA crime TNT Hulu
Community Abed 2015 TV–14 sitcom NBC Hulu
Pablo Pablo 2017–Present TV–Y children's television CBeebies Netflix
Parenthood Max 2010 TV–PG comedy–drama NBC Hulu
Rick and Morty Rick 2016–Present TV–MA animated sitcom; sci-fi Adult Swim Hulu
Sesame Street Julia 1969–Present TV–Y educational entertainment NET; PBS; HBO PBS Kids
The A Word Joe 2016–2017 Not rated drama BBC One Amazon Prime
The Good Doctor Shaun 2017–Present TV–14 drama ABC Hulu
Touch Jacob 2012–2013 TV–14 drama Fox Hulu

Rating Instrument and Raters

Pilot Study

Prior to the current study, the researchers developed and used a rating form, based on two checklists featured in Safran's (2000) work on disability portrayal in movies, to rate the portrayals in twelve recent movies that had major characters with ASD. Ratings were performed by three undergraduate research assistants, including one of the second authors. Movies were rated on a five point Likert scale across seven aspects of positive/realistic disability representation, such as exhibiting a full range of emotions, interacting as an equal, living in the mainstream (holding a job, being a family member, or being a student in a general education class), and being shown in a loving relationship and expressing age-appropriate sexual needs. Movies were also rated for eight aspects of negative or stereotypical disability representation such as being an object of pity or violence, being sinister or evil, having "superhuman" qualities, being laughable or the subject of humor, or being a burden. Raters supplied examples from the movie as evidence supporting each numerical rating and responded to additional narrative questions.

The Current Study

Guided by insights from the pilot study, the researchers refined the rating form, clarifying criteria, eliminating one repetitive item, and adopting a uniform set of characteristics of ASD based on diagnostic criteria outlined in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (APA, 2013). The rating tool (see Appendix) comprised fourteen numerical rating items and three narrative questions. This revised form was used to evaluate portrayals of disability in the twelve selected television series. Ratings were performed by three undergraduate research assistants, including both of the second authors. Table 2 provides information about the raters.

Table 2 Information on Raters
Rater Student Status Major Relevant Academic Background Experience Related to ASD Disability Status
1 (co–second author) Senior undergraduate English Coursework in special education Close relative with ASD diagnosis Not disabled
2 Senior undergraduate Human development Practicum in special education Some experience working with children with ASD Not disabled
3 (co–second author) Senior undergraduate Integrative Neuroscience Coursework in special education; psychology coursework on ASD Extensive experience working with children with ASD Not disabled

Series were rated on a five point Likert scale for seven aspects of positive/realistic disability representation and seven aspects of negative/stereotypic disability representation. As in the pilot study, raters made comments, supplied examples from the television series as evidence supporting their numerical ratings, and responded to narrative questions. The fourteen items that received numerical ratings referenced non-categorized disability. The three additional questions referenced characteristics of, and specific issues related to ASD, the actor's preparation to play an autistic character, and the rater's overall impression of the portrayal.

Raters completed this task by printing the rating form, making notes as they watched the television series, looking for appearances by the targeted character, and then assigning a rating to each of these fourteen items, along with an example to support their rating. They then responded to the three questions on the second part of the form. In order to answer questions about an actor's preparation to play a character with ASD, they utilized information available on world wide web sites such as the Internet Movie Database (IMDb.com). Raters watched and evaluated varying numbers of shows within each series; in most cases, they based their ratings upon all available seasons, focusing on those episodes that included the character with ASD. Raters reported watching and re-watching segments featuring the targeted character several times. All rating activities took place over a four month period in 2019.

Reliability of Ratings

Because reliability in the pilot study was variable and in one case negative (r=0.809, r=0.462, and r=-0.084), in an effort to improve reliability, rating activities in the current study were preceded by training, a group viewing and scoring experience, and extended discussion of each item in the rating tool. Interrater reliability was calculated for three raters across five television series ratings to establish their level of agreement. Pairwise correlations were evaluated with the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient, and an average level of agreement for the group was computed for each pair of raters (r=0.923, r=0.963, r=0.886, r=0.527, and r=0.860), which was much improved from the pilot study and generally within accepted parameters for media content analysis research (Lombard et al., 2002).

Validity

Validity of media content analysis rests in (1) thorough understanding of research objectives, (2) "immersion in the message pool" (p. 143) or thorough exposure to the media content being studied, and (3) purposeful selection or sampling of media content to be analyzed (Neuendorf, 2002). The current study met those criteria through careful formation of research questions, prolonged engagement with the media being studied, and a well-defined selection process that resulted in studying all television series found to meet selection criteria.

Content Validity of the Rating Tool

Rating items were based on characteristics and stereotypes that have appeared in disability literature for several decades. The original rating form was based on two checklists designed to assist teachers in choosing movies about disability for classroom use and guiding students toward informed and critical viewing (Safran, 2000). Safran's work drew on disability stereotypes, identified by Bogdan and Biklen (1977) in their seminal work on "handicapism," reiterated by Nelson (1994) and Black and Pretes (2007), that cast the disabled individual as pitiful, sinister, superhuman, a burden, maladjusted, a perpetual child, or inevitably segregated.

Data Analysis

After all rating activities were completed, positive and negative portrayal scores for each television series were totaled and averaged, and the mean of the negative scores was subtracted from the mean of the positive scores to generate an overall numerical rating for each series. Comments and examples provided by the raters to support each scored rating item were charted and used to provide triangulation of numerical ratings and additional insight on portrayals. Narrative responses to Part Two questions were charted for each question. This process allowed the researchers to systematically describe and interpret the data provided by the television series (Schreier, 2012). Data review and analysis took place over a one year period that immediately followed data collection.

Researcher Positionality

All three authors, prior to data analysis, engaged in a discussion and journaling process with the goal of identifying knowledge, biases, experiences, and beliefs that they brought to the process of interpreting study data. The first author had been an inclusive special education teacher and administrator who taught a number of students with autism classifications, but had no advanced background in disability or media studies. One of the second authors had paraprofessional work experience with individuals with ASD and stated an awareness of the spectrum of manifestations of ASD. At the time of the current study, she had introductory course knowledge of special education, though no background in disability or media studies. She also stated that she had no experience as a member of a minority group with a history of being misrepresented on screen. The other second author brought a similar academic background (introductory knowledge of special education and no background in disability or media studies), named a close relative "diagnosed with low functioning ASD," and identified a strong desire to benefit such individuals by working for "a more accepting place for individuals with ASD." None of the three authors identified as a disabled individual.

Catalogue of Television Series

Results and Discussion sections make frequent references to specific television shows, characters, and plot elements. Table 3 provides plot synopses for each series that may serve as a reference for the reader.

Table 3 Catalog of Series Titles and Plot Synopsis
Series Title Synopsis
Community A lawyer suspended from the bar enrolls in Greendale Community College. The show follows his eclectic study group that includes Abed, a quirky student who loves film.
The A Word The Hughes family, depicted as a typical British family, experiences changes after learning that their youngest child, Joe, is autistic.
Bob's Burgers Bob Belcher runs a burger restaurant with his wife and three children and tries to keep the family together. His oldest daughter Tina is a sentimental teen and avid journal–writer who has trouble socializing.
Sesame Street The residents of Sesame Street teach preschool subjects through comedy, skits, games, and more. Julia is a four year old Muppet with bright orange hair and big green eyes who is autistic.
Claws Five Florida women who run a nail salon begin laundering money for a neighboring business and eventually control their own criminal empire. Dean, the autistic brother of one of the protagonists, is featured in some dramatic plotlines.
Atypical Sam, an eighteen year old on the autism spectrum, searches for love and independence, a quest that changes his family as well.
Arthur Arthur, a young anthropomorphic aardvark, finds adventure with family and friends as they learn to be good friends and neighbors. Arthur's friend Carl is a rabbit with Asperger syndrome who likes trains, plays baseball, and plays the accordion.
The Good Doctor Shaun Murphy is a young surgeon with ASD and savant syndrome, who works at a prestigious hospital.
Parenthood The show revolves around three generations of the Braverman family. Grandson Max Braverman is diagnosed with Asperger syndrome, and the series follows his and the family's experience in this process.
Pablo Pablo, a young autistic boy, creates anthropomorphic animal friends to help him navigate his life.
Touch A widowed reporter struggles to raise and connect with his son Jake, who has been diagnosed with ASD. Jake, who is able to predict future events, does not speak, but conveys information through numbers and patterns.
Rick and Morty Mad scientist and narcissistic alcoholic Rick Sanchez embarks on interdimensional adventures with his good–hearted grandson Morty. Rick is self–described as autistic.

Note: Plot synopses are based on those found in imdb.com

Results

To generate an overall numerical rating for each series, the mean negative score total calculated for that series was subtracted from its mean positive score total. Series that resulted in an overall positive value were deemed as more positive than negative. Ten out of the twelve series analyzed (83%) were considered overall positive portrayals, while two (17%) were deemed negative (Table 4). Ratings ranged from -1.39 (Rick and Morty) to +3.02 (Community). Positive scores ranged from +1.43 (Touch) to +4.29 (Claws) and negative ratings ranged from -1.13 (Community and Sesame Street) to -3.25 (Rick and Morty). Table 4 provides all scores for each series.

Table 4 Overall Series Scores
Series Title Total of Positive Ratings Mean of Positive Ratings Total of Negative Ratings Mean of Negative Ratings Overall Rating (see note)
Community 29 4.14 9 1.13 3.02
The A Word 28 4.00 10 1.25 2.75
Bob's Burgers 27 3.86 10 1.25 2.61
Sesame Street 25 3.57 9 1.13 2.45
Claws 30 4.29 15 1.88 2.41
Atypical 28 4.00 13 1.63 2.38
Arthur 22 3.14 15 1.88 1.27
The Good Doctor 21 3.00 14 1.75 1.25
Parenthood 21 3.00 15 1.88 1.13
Pablo 17 2.43 14 1.75 0.68
Touch 10 1.43 17 2.13 -0.70
Rick and Morty 13 1.86 26 3.25 -1.39

Note: Overall rating was calculated by subtracting mean negative rating from mean positive rating

In response to the question on the rating form prompting the rater's overall evaluation of the series, raters were more likely to record positive comments ("accurate; very good job; realistic") for series that received a higher positive score total, and negative comments ("poor portrayal; stereotypical; one-dimensional") for series with low scores. Table 5 provides sample rater comments for each series.

Table 5 Sample Narrative Comments on ASD Portrayals
Series Title Overall Rating Rater Narrative Comments
Community 3.02 pretty good, somewhat reinforces stereotypes
The A Word 2.75 very realistic portrayal…focuses on the family coping with realization that their son has a disability, rather than understanding what life is like for him
Bob's Burgers 2.61 if Tina really does have ASD, it's portrayed well with some flaws
Sesame Street 2.45 a great job of introducing young children to ASD…good job at introducing the topic in a positive and realistic way
Claws 2.41 he is mostly portrayed as a burden to his family members above all else
Atypical 2.38 I feel as though this was the most accurate representation that I have seen
Arthur 1.27 the character and his friends' understanding of his disability are effective at explaining common symptoms of ASD to their target audience
The Good Doctor 1.25 relatively decent job at portraying a high functioning individual… sensationalizing and overdramatizing of memory and problem-solving abilities
Parenthood 1.13 accurately portrays life with Asperger's, as a person with the disorder as well as a family member
Pablo 0.68 some one-dimensional aspects… has some great representation of societal barriers
Touch -0.70 poorly portrays ASD; Jake's "autism" only serves the purpose of complicating the father's life and serves as a plot point to carry out sci-fi feel.
Rick and Morty -1.39 …from the lens of its portrayal of ASD I think it does a poor job

In response to the first question in Part Two of the rating form ("Does the performer actually have a disability?"), raters found that of the twelve television series reviewed in this study, Pablo was the only series that included an autistic actor. This children's series depicting Pablo, an autistic five year old, features a cast of young voice actors who have ASD. The series writers report working with these children to create stories based on real life experiences of the cast (Sherwin, 2017).

If raters reported that the performer did not have a disability, additional information was recorded regarding whether any actor preparation or expert consultation was involved. Some form of preparation or consultation was noted in ten out of the remaining eleven TV series. These preparations included actions such as bringing in specialists to advise actors on how someone with ASD might react or behave, reading resources related to ASD, watching YouTube videos, and speaking with autistic individuals about their experiences. Table 6 provides additional information on each series.

Table 6 Actor Preparation or Consultation
Series Title Overall Rating Actor Preparation
Community 3.02 Series creator/producera identifies as having Asperger syndrome
The A Word 2.75 Writer/producer was a teacher for children with severe LDs for twelve years
Bob's Burgers 2.61 Unknown
Sesame Street 2.45 Consulted with activist; son with ASD
Claws 2.41 Spoke with doctors, visited schools, shadowed student with ASD
Atypical 2.38 Actor read memoir about life with Asperger syndrome; lengthy audition process with writer
Arthur 1.27 Educated production staff through partnerships with children's health organizations
The Good Doctor 1.25 Researched & consulted (consultant's credentials unknown)
Parenthood 1.13 Specialist brought in; behavioral psychologists were consulted
Pablo 0.68 Voice actors have diagnosis of ASD
Touch -0.70 Actor watched YouTube videos; consulted expert on autism and special education ((expert's credentials unknown)
Rick and Morty -1.39 Co-creatora identifies as having Asperger syndrome

Note: Sources of information above include IMDb, Lyons (2011), and Sherwin (2017)

aThese two series have the same creator

Raters were required to report common characteristics of ASD as outlined in the DSM-5 (APA, 2013) and identify issues and traits that were displayed in the series being rated. These characteristics are categorized as either deficits in social communication and interaction (including issues with social reciprocity, understanding nonverbal communication, and creating and maintaining relationships) or restricted and repetitive behavior patterns (stereotyped movements or speech, inflexibility to change in routine, fixed or intense interests, and hyper- or hyposensitivity). Television series ranged from displaying only one of the seven traits outlined (Claws) to six (Arthur, The Good Doctor, Pablo), with the average number of traits observed being 4.25. Table 7 provides information on the traits observed by raters in each series.

Table 7 Appearance of ASD Traits from DSM-5 in Television Series
Social Communication and Interaction Deficits Restricted and Repetitive Behavior Patterns
TV series Reciprocity Nonverbal Communication Relationships Stereotyped Motor Movements Inflexible Fixated Interests Sensory Issues
Community X X X X X
The A Word X X X X
Bob's Burgers X X X X
Sesame Street X X X
Claws X
Atypical X X X X X
Arthur X X X X X X
The Good Doctor X X X X X X
Parenthood X X X X
Pablo X X X X X X
Touch X X X
Rick and Morty X X X X

Discussion

What Constitutes a "Good" or "Bad" Portrayal of ASD on Television?

Positive Portrayals

A positive or realistic portrayal is one that accurately reflects the realities of ASD through the experiences and circumstances surrounding the character. Positive media portrayals meet criteria related to a character's emotions, personality, relationships, role in society, and the level of insight provided by their experiences. Positive portrayals are those depicting characters with complex personalities and a full range of emotions who are not solely defined by their ASD. Specifically, these characters often interact as equals to neurotypical peers, and are contributing members of society who are shown holding a job, being a family member, or being a student in a mainstream educational setting. For example, in NBC's Parenthood, autistic teenager Max becomes middle school Student Council President, promising his peers that he will bring back school vending machines, portraying him not only as a student in a general education setting, but as a member of the school community. Care must be taken, however, to avoid making criteria for "positive portrayals" accessible only to characters with high-functioning autism or otherwise excluding any portrayal of severe disability. Relationships, emotions, and societal integration can take many different forms, and positive portrayals can include those who are in need of more extensive support.

Rather than portraying individuals with ASD as uninterested in loving relationships, characters in a positive portrayal express age-appropriate sexual desires and may seek such relationships, as seen in the Netflix comedy–drama Atypical, in which the audience follows Sam, a major character with ASD, who decides at age eighteen that he should find a girlfriend. Positive portrayals successfully incorporate characters that provide insight into societal barriers faced by those with ASD, such as finding job opportunities, beginning and maintaining friendships, and encountering exclusion and prejudice.

Another type of positive portrayal might feature an individual with ASD as a supporting character, as opposed to revolving all conflict around that person and issues related to autism, supporting the idea that disability need not always be the focus of that role or show. Similarly, a positive portrayal depicts a character with ASD as ordinary in many ways, and not superhuman in abilities or effects on others.

A positive portrayal is also one that makes efforts to more accurately reflect diversity across race, ethnicity, gender identity and sexuality, and socioeconomic status. In particular, the struggle for racial representation is a persistent issue in American TV and film depicting both neurotypical and neurodivergent characters. The White-centric narrative of popular film and TV creates additional barriers regarding the intersectionality of autistic people of color, and therefore isolates them further in society.

Positive Television Portrayals of ASD. The raters found many positive aspects of the shows they reviewed as they evaluated the series for the appearance of characters with complex personalities who show a full range of emotions, interact as equals, live in the mainstream of society, and have loving relationships.

The series Community received high ratings for positive portrayals. In Season One, Episode Three, community college student Abed, a young man with ASD whose father was Palestinian, was one of only two characters analyzed who was a person of color. In this early episode, Abed annoyed his friends when he began filming their interactions closely and frequently. They became frustrated with his apparent refusal to explain his reasons for doing this, and they grew increasingly irritated as they attempted to comprehend his behavior, while Abed remained unable to verbalize his feelings and motivation to them. Later, Abed shared the film he created, in which he drew parallels between his friends' behavior and his parents' past exclamations, "I don't understand you!" and "You're so weird!" His friends and his father then better understood Abed's emotions and perspective, despite his deficits in verbal expression, and gained appreciation of obstacles Abed routinely faced. Following these interactions, Abed's friends felt more connected to him and encouraged his unique version of self-expression. Raters found this episode positive in that communication deficits or differences were portrayed as obstacles that had a solution, and non-disabled peers were shown as capable of evolving understandings.

The PBS animated children's series Arthur included as one of Arthur's friends an anthropomorphic rabbit named Carl who had Asperger syndrome. The rater commented, "Overall, I think this character and his friends' understanding of his disability are effective at explaining common symptoms of ASD to their target audience. Although he is shown as having a photographic memory, extreme intelligence and other somewhat 'super' abilities, for the most part this character does provide insight into some of the barriers a child with ASD may face. Some issues, such as his strict routine, seem a little exaggerated and over the top, but this is to be expected when the target audience of the show is young children." While the rating scale did not differentiate adult and children's media, raters appeared to consider the different audiences in their evaluations.

Portrayals that provide insight into barriers. Recognition of barriers encountered by autistic individuals enhances understanding of disability as a social construct rather than an individual plight. This may provide learning opportunities and support and enlarge viewers' understanding of social models of disability that look at barriers present in the environment around an individual and see those barriers as the source of disability, in contrast to a medical model which views disability as an inherent characteristic of an individual.

Raters looked for examples of portrayals that provided insight into societal barriers faced by autistic individuals. Widely varied shows such as Netflix' series Atypical and the children's series Pablo provided insight into obstacles experienced by characters with ASD by portraying real-world problems that affect individuals of varying age groups. Atypical, which tells the story of autistic eighteen year old Sam and his family, was rated five out of five for providing insight into societal barriers. Although Sam encountered obstacles at school, he was depicted as having a strong support system of people who helped advocate with and for him. Sam's hypersensitivity to sensory input prevented him from attending dances with his neurotypical peers, causing him to feel isolated from his classmates. Sam's mother then organized a "silent dance" at his school, where all students wore noise-canceling headphones, enabling Sam to participate despite his sensitivity to the loud noises typical of a school dance. Raters believed this episode would allow the audience to gain perspective regarding a trait of ASD that could potentially restrict individuals from certain experiences and to view an inclusive response.

The children's series Pablo followed the adventures of the title character, a five year old autistic boy, and his imaginary anthropomorphized animal friends who were shown in animated sequences. Assigning a rating of five out of five, the rater commented on the series' "great representation of societal barriers that a child with ASD might experience. His animal friends in his imagination also display symptoms of ASD such as sensitivity to sounds and smells, speech delays, nervousness, difficulty with social cues, stimming, and echolalia."

The autistic character in the mainstream. Television series were rated positively for portraying autistic characters in mainstream society interacting with neurotypical peers, holding a job, functioning as a family member, or being a student in an inclusive educational setting. As in other rating criteria, the availability of these experiences appeared to vary with the severity of disability or manifestation on the autism spectrum. Raters were expected, though not provided with specific guidance, to avoid conflating the full spectrum of autism with high-functioning autism, and to interpret rating criteria in ways that did not exclude individuals at the lower extreme of the autism spectrum or penalize a TV series for portraying such individuals. For example, employment, independent living, and inclusive educational opportunities might take different forms, but the expectation that portrayals be inclusive, rather than isolating or excluding, remained.

Sesame Street received generally high ratings, including five out of five for portraying a character with ASD as living and participating in mainstream society. Julia, a Muppet character with ASD, was depicted as "just like everyone else," (rater comment) yet with her own differences and needs. This was viewed as a positive portrayal in this children's show. In one episode, when asked what "autism" is, Big Bird began his response, "Well, for Julia, it means…," suggesting that ASD, as a spectrum disorder, manifests differently for each individual, an important insight for the series' target audience of young children for whom this may be their first introduction to ASD.

Negative Portrayals

In opposition to a positive portrayal, a negative media portrayal is one that fails to convey appropriate knowledge of autism and perpetuates associated stereotypes. This may include featuring characters who evoke feelings of pity in audience members. Characters in poor portrayals may be represented as burdensome or living separated from mainstream society, in a manner that suggests this as an inevitable consequence of their disability, rather than as a result of societal barriers or lack of support. It is also common for negative portrayals to incite humor at the expense of these characters, or represent the character as the object of physical or verbal violence. Finally, these characters may possess superhuman qualities, as stereotypes and misinformation about autism create a persona that is heroic, godlike, or supernatural, imagery that dehumanizes autistic individuals just as excessively pitiful imagery can, as it fails to attribute the full range of human qualities and challenges to the character, and results in plots that focus on "overcoming" disability to the exclusion of everything else.

Negative Stereotypes Observed in Television Portrayals of ASD. Although ten of the twelve series received scores that were positive overall, every series included numerous negative and stereotypical portrayals. We provide more details and examples in this section than the above section that details positive portrayals, believing that awareness of and ability to identify stereotypes is necessary to challenge perceptions. Raters evaluated TV series for portrayals of autistic characters as people who were a burden, an object of pity, superhuman, laughable, the object of violence, evil, or separated from mainstream society, stereotypes that have appeared in screen media for decades (Bogdan et al., 1982; Norden, 1994; Safran, 1998a; 1998b) and were found to be present in recent small screen productions. Raters also identified in their narrative evaluations some television series' use of disability as a tool for plot advancement.

The autistic character as a burden. This stereotyped depiction was prominent in the series Touch, Claws, and Atypical, as the character with ASD in each series was shown causing added stress and obstacles to the lives of loved ones. This was seen, for example, in adolescent characters who created marital conflict as parents struggled to understand or care for their child, or in adult characters who disrupted their workplace or social environment. Having a child with ASD certainly impacts families' lives including housekeeping, finances, and emotional and mental health of parents; when these are the dominant or only images the viewer sees, with the autistic child as the sole burden or cause and as an appropriate target of blame for these stresses, this is a negative representation. When ASD in children is portrayed as the inevitable cause of marital strain, it reinforces attitudes that may put children with ASD in danger in real life.

The ABC drama Touch received a high negative rating for portraying the target character as a burden. Jake, a non-verbal young boy with ASD, was portrayed as a burden on his father. Jake was able to predict future events by communicating through number sequences, which then tasked his father with figuring out how to interpret the numbers and prevent traumatic events from occurring. In the series pilot episode, Jake disappeared, and his father was shown driving all around town looking for him. He finally found him on top of a cell tower, and the firefighters assisting in the rescue told Jake's father that he needed to "keep that kid in a cage." In this scene, Jake is represented as an embodiment of an extreme state of emergency. This depiction of ASD is unsettling as it portrays disability as inevitably perilous, adding strain and anxiety for Jake's family.

The crime comedy–drama Claws was rated four out of five in portraying Dean, a Black autistic character and one of only two people of color among the characters analyzed, as a burden to others, notably to his sister Desna. The rater described this as an overriding theme of the series, commenting that Dean "is mostly portrayed as a burden to his family members above all else," and that this was exaggerated to appear humorous to the audience. Dean was fully reliant on his sister, who took care of him by paying rent, doing his laundry, cooking, and acting as his source of emotional support, while he was rarely shown offering her support of any kind. This was dramatized when Desna found herself in dangerous and stressful situations related to drugs and other illegal activities, and Dean's needs were depicted as an additional stressor.

Atypical was rated two out of five for Sam, an autistic character, being portrayed as burdensome. While this rating indicates that being a burden was not a dominant plot device, it did occur. In one episode, Sam's sister Casey stated that he "took up too much space," and pointed out that she received less parental attention because of the "space" he consumed. In addition, his parents' marital struggles were depicted as primarily caused by the stress of understanding Sam's different needs. In Season Two Episode Eight, Sam lost his portfolio. The rater observed that Sam's emotions were dramatized through yelling, showing extreme anger, screaming at Casey, and blaming her for losing his portfolio. She then had to miss an important track practice to help him find the portfolio, and Sam's parents were visibly upset, thus casting Sam as a burden on others in his family.

The autistic character as an object of pity. The discourse of pity (Hayes & Black, 2003) is a common media theme, depicting characters with disabilities as evoking or deserving pity. Series in which raters observed characters with ASD portrayed as pitiful included Rick and Morty, The Good Doctor, and Parenthood. Characters with ASD were deemed pitiable when they were portrayed as the object of violence, were bullied, or struggled with social interactions and relationships. None of the series received high negative ratings in this area, but the stereotype was present nevertheless.

Parenthood scored two out of five for portraying a character with ASD as pitiable. Many of the difficulties Max faced were attributed to deficits in nonverbal communication and subsequent difficult social interactions. Max was shown being bullied by his peers at school and at baseball practice, as well as being misunderstood by his parents. The animated science fiction comedy Rick and Morty also scored two out of five for portraying a character with ASD as pitiable. In Season Two Episode Ten, the rater noted feeling extreme pity for Rick when he had an emotional breakdown after getting into an argument with family about how much stress he caused. Rick's response was to direct a deprecating profane comment at himself and to resolve never to let his guard down again. Rick was then shown drinking heavily to cope with the stress of the confrontation.

The ABC drama The Good Doctor was rated two out of five for portraying the target character as pitiable. Throughout the series, Dr. Shaun Murphy, a young surgeon with ASD and savant syndrome, was called names such as "freak" and "weirdo." Flashbacks from his childhood showed Shaun growing up in a chaotic household. The rater noted that the audience was likely to feel pity when viewing flashbacks of Shaun and his brother running away from their home, living in an abandoned bus, and begging strangers for money. In adulthood, Shaun was shown experiencing hardship as his coworkers routinely underestimated his ability as a surgeon, and the supervising surgeon treated him as a child.

The autistic character as superhuman. This stereotype describes characters who are depicted as having traits such as preternatural patience, unending capacity for forgiveness, or extreme perseverance despite seemingly inevitable defeat. Superhuman portrayals are usually paired with plots about an individual "overcoming" disability, plots that locate disability entirely within the individual (in keeping with a medical model of disability), and ignore societal barriers that are disabling. While appearing well-intentioned, superhuman imagery dehumanizes autistic individuals just as any stereotyped imagery does. Furthermore, this imagery devalues unexceptional autistic, as well as non-autistic, characters who provide less plot value or intrigue.

In media portraying ASD, savant abilities were often exaggerated and portrayed as superhuman traits. Furthermore, the raters found that even the intense special interests that are a common characteristic of individuals with ASD were portrayed as superhuman abilities. They identified these "superhuman" portrayals as occurring most prominently in Touch and The Good Doctor.

Touch was rated five out of five for portraying a character with ASD as superhuman in their abilities and effect on others. Jake's "superpower" was his ability to predict future events by generating number sequences which this nonverbal character then communicated to others. In the previously described cell tower incident, Jake climbed the tower and set off the security alarm at 3:18 p.m. Throughout the remainder of the episode, Jake wrote down several other number sequences. Taken together, interpretation of these numbers then enabled his father to prevent disastrous events from occurring.

The Good Doctor was rated four out of five in portraying a character with ASD as superhuman. The rater commented that the show overall did a fairly good job of "portraying a high functioning individual who is on the autism spectrum," however, "sensationalizing and overdramatizing Shaun's memory and problem solving abilities" … "often came across as stereotypical." In the show's pilot episode, Shaun was introduced as having savant syndrome with special abilities and advanced knowledge about medicine that no other doctor had. In a dramatic scene, Shaun encountered a young boy who had suffered a traumatic wound from a piece of broken glass. Stealing a knife needed for the removal of this glass from a nearby hospital, he then performed a miraculously life–saving procedure right on the sidewalk.

The autistic character as the object of humor. While humor involving disabled characters does not always promote stereotyping and can be positive (Smith & Sapon-Shevin, 2008), this rating item referred to characters with ASD being portrayed as laughable or the object of humor. Oftentimes this was a reaction to the character's quirky behavior, lack of understanding of social cues, or speech habits. The raters observed in the series Bob's Burgers and Community scenes that placed characters with ASD in humorous situations based on their difficulties in social interactions, made humorous by the fact that the character was unaware of the difficulty. Some of the shows rated were comedy series, so humor is an expected and necessary component, but in those cases, raters still found traits of ASD exaggerated for comedic purposes at that character's expense.

The animated situation comedy Bob's Burgers was rated three out of five for portraying a character with ASD as laughable. In Season Three Episode Eleven, Tina, the restaurant owner's daughter, offered to go to a nude beach with her mother, not realizing how potentially awkward this social situation could be for them. While the rater noted that it is important to keep in mind that Bob's Burgers is a comedy, this scene became more humorous as Tina's social deficits increased the awkwardness of the situation. Throughout the series, Tina was deemed laughable as she navigated similar awkward situations. In addition, Tina's utterances were deployed for comedic purposes. Tina would often groan or sigh, and this was portrayed as awkwardly humorous, when in actuality it appeared to be Tina's way of nonverbally communicating her discomfort in certain situations.

Community was rated two out of five for portraying a character with ASD as an object of humor. Abed's deficits in nonverbal communication and social reciprocity led to amusing interactions with his friends. In Season One Episode Four, his friend Annie asked Abed to do her a favor, as her "very good friend." To this, Abed replied "Well, I didn't realize we were really good friends. I figured we were more like Chandler and Phoebe [referring to the popular situation comedy Friends]; they never really had stories together…Sure, I'll do it, Chandler." Here, Abed found similarities between one of his favorite television series and his relationship with Annie, however, his line was humorous to the audience because it was silly and awkward. Abed did not realize he was being rude by failing to realize that they were good friends, portraying him as amusing and an unknowing source of humor.

Raters identified another facet of this stereotype in the depiction of characters with ASD as robotic or overly monotonal. These characters spoke in an exaggerated monotone voice or failed to display facial expressions appropriate to the situation. Raters identified Tina in Bob's Burgers, Shaun Murphy in The Good Doctor, and Abed in Community as speaking in a flat tone and rarely changing facial expressions. In The Good Doctor, the rater noted that coworkers avoided socializing with Shaun, finding it awkward because of his robotic demeanor. In Community, Abed's monotone voice was a staple of his character, and in Season One Episode Sixteen he remarked, "I was trying to be sarcastic, but it didn't come out." Lack of inflection and facial expression is in fact a characteristic of autism identified in the DSM-5; on screen, it appeared to raters to be exaggerated to add humor.

The autistic character as the object of violence. It is an unfortunate fact that autistic individuals may encounter bullying or mistreatment; what makes a television portrayal potentially negative is not that it represents a hard truth, but how it is presented, the response by the victim and bystanders, how the perpetrator is characterized, and how frequently this theme occurs. Television series that received high negative ratings for portraying characters with ASD as the object of violence were Atypical, Rick and Morty, and The Good Doctor. In Atypical, Sam makes awkward or irrelevant comments that other students then make fun of. At times this teasing and bullying turns physically violent, and Sam is shoved or punched. Similarly, The Good Doctor includes flashbacks of Shaun's childhood that reveal physical abuse by his father and violent bullying at school.

Rick and Morty, rated three out of five, is a cartoon, and while violence might be expected to be prevalent in such a series, Rick was portrayed as the object of violence in almost every episode, whether in a shootout, a physical altercation with another character, or even a near-death experience. Furthering this portrayal was Rick's alcoholism and self-isolation, which left him defenseless in many of these situations.

The autistic character as sinister or evil. This stereotype was identified in Rick and Morty. Rick's deficits in social interactions and nonverbal communication were exaggerated through his cynicism and robotic persona. Rick was a major criminal on an intergalactic watch list for several episodes because of the violence and chaos that he perpetrated through his adventures. The rater commented that while she enjoyed the show, "looking at it from the lens of its portrayal of an individual on the spectrum I think it does a poor job."

The autistic character as segregated from mainstream society. This stereotypic portrayal refers to characters with ASD shown as living separated from society, lacking active or supportive family and friends, not having a job, not attending school, or not going out in public independently. This situation is presented as the inevitable and reasonable consequence of disability, rather than simply a need for fewer barriers or more supports. This was apparent in Claws, Rick and Morty, and Pablo, all rated three out of five.

In the animated series Rick and Morty, Rick lived in his daughter's home, but was shown isolating himself to work on science experiments or explore other dimensions. A more subtle representation was noted in Pablo, who was surrounded by imaginary animal friends, and was shown interacting with his mother but never with children his own age.

Claws portrayed Dean as an adult man who lived with his older sister and needed constant care and supervision. Dean was rarely shown leaving the house by himself, and he did not do any shopping or chores for the household. He did not have a job, friends, or family members in his life other than his sister. As the only Black autistic character in the television series studied, the intersectionality of Dean's autistic character being segregated from mainstream society and his being a person of color makes his portrayal especially negative. Given the pervasive stereotypes surrounding Black Americans and people with ASD in isolation, the convergence of the two in media requires special care and attention so as to not perpetuate stereotypes with their negative and dangerous consequences.

The autistic character as a plot advancing device. Though not a numerically rated item, raters identified in their narrative evaluations some television series' use of characters with ASD as tools to further the plot or introduce obstacles that the plot then revolved around, a feature of disability portrayals identified in film by Bogdan and colleagues (1982) and in autism portrayals by Hannum (2010) and Mitchell and Snyder (2014). Characters with ASD in popular television series appeared to serve primarily to advance the plot on behalf of nondisabled protagonists, rather than appearing as independent characters with agency. The A Word, Atypical, and Touch especially used characters as devices in service of plotlines concerning their family members.

After viewing Touch, the rater noted that "Jake's 'autism' only serves the purpose of complicating the father's life." Throughout this dramatic mystery series, widowed father Martin faced numerous obstacles as a result of his son's autism. Martin struggled to understand and tend to Jake's needs, moved from job to job, and traveled to meet with a professor who claimed to handle cases like Jake's. These events spiraled into a supernatural plot sequence where Jake was discovered to have special powers, leading Martin to follow along on Jake's adventures and eventually to flee the city to protect Jake.

Similarly, the rater of The A Word noted that the plot primarily involved perspectives of others in response to a character's ASD, commenting that the show "focuses more on the family coping with the realization that their son has a disability." In this series, Joe's actions were a tool to create novel obstacles or quickly resolve old ones. For example, Joe's diagnosis introduced marital strain for his parents, and this conflict persisted across seasons, leading up to his father's plan to leave his mother. A similar plot unfolded in Atypical, which also netted a rater comment that the series used Sam as an antagonist to advance plotlines focused on his parents. Sam's ASD created marital stress for his parents, leading to an affair that served as a dramatic twist in the Season One finale.

Plots such as marital strain due to parenting a child with ASD may be realistic; the issue emerges when a series derives much of its plot this way without the perspective of the autistic character. Just as these characters should be portrayed as complex human beings with and without issues related to ASD, portrayal of families of those with ASD should be portrayed with similar complexity and dimension. Persistently revolving conflict around a character's ASD reinforces negative stereotypes and fosters the idea that living with ASD is one-dimensionally negative.

Issues of Representation

Prevalence of Male and Female Autistic Characters on Television

While the series ratings considered each media source individually, we noted that ten of the twelve target characters were male and two were female, a 5:1 ratio. In fact, the DSM-5 currently places that ratio at 4:1 (APA, 2013), and in a recent meta-analysis of prevalence studies, Loomes et al. (2017) found an overall ratio of 3:1, with wide variability (8:1 to 2:1) in studies reviewed, noting diagnostic gender bias. Thus we found this portrayal of the individual with autism as typically male to be partially reality-based but overall exaggerated or over-generalized – the very definition of stereotype.

Representation of Race and Ethnicity of Autistic Characters on Television

Of the twelve target characters, two were people of color, both male. Dean, the brother of the nail salon owner in Claws, was the only Black autistic character. Abed, a college student in Community, had a Palestinian father and Polish-American mother. The ethnicity of autistic puppet, animal, or cartoon characters in Sesame Street, Rick and Morty, Bob's Burgers, Arthur, and Pablo may be less clear than in series using live actors, but reviewers identified all these characters as white. None of the target characters were Latinx.

U.S. Census figures list the percentage of the non-Hispanic white population at 59.3% and the Black/African American population as 13.6%. Hispanic/Latino population is listed as 18.9% (US Census Bureau, 2021). White children are diagnosed with autism at a higher rate than Black (ratio is 1.1:1) or Latinx children (ratio is 1.2:1) (Aylward et al., 2021). Based on population statistics, we might expect a ratio of 4:1White to Black autistic TV characters, rather than the 11:1 in our actual sample. Including both characters of color in our sample, a 5:1 ratio results. Statistics on autism prevalence in U. S. populations of Middle Eastern descent are lacking, and census practices make it difficult to disaggregate relevant population statistics, so it is challenging to assess the degree of underrepresentation. Aylward et al.'s (2021) research noted that Black and Latinx children with ASD are typically diagnosed later, underserved, and segregated at higher rates, a disturbing fact in view of their underrepresentation in screen media.

Disability Portrayals and Actor Preparation

While individuals with disabilities make up 25 percent of the U.S. population, only 2.5 percent of film characters in the last decade were portrayed as having any disability (Okoro et al., 2018). Furthermore, 95 percent of actors playing those roles did not have a disability (Choueiti & Pieper, 2016). Individuals with disabilities have historically been underrepresented in the entertainment industry, both behind the scenes and on the screen. An important avenue to achieving more accurate representations on screen is inclusion of these voices. In the current study, only one of the twelve series, Pablo, utilized autistic actors, and in this animated children's show, they were voice actors.

While casting individuals with disabilities to play these roles is overwhelmingly regarded as best practice, it does not happen frequently (Black & Pretes, 2007). In cases such as this, it is crucial to the filming and production process that actors, producers, and others who find themselves representing a character with a disability receive or seek out consultation from professionals who are educated on the disability being portrayed, or better, those with relevant lived experience, in order to adequately prepare themselves for the role (Byrne, 2009). Preparation should include education on the disability along with its history, manifestations, and associated obstacles and experiences. While ten of the shows analyzed reported some sort of preparation or consultation, the wide range in positive and negative scores clearly shows that not all forms are equal.

Commentary on Rating Tool

As previously noted, the rating tool used to evaluate the television series drew from extant research on disability portrayals in film. Specifically, the source of rating instrument items was one created to serve as an educational tool that teachers might use to assist high school and postsecondary students in critically assessing movies representing a broad range of disabilities (Safran, 2000). The rating tool presents a viable method for novices and those less familiar with disability theory to evaluate popular media as it provides relevant, general information to guide the viewer toward noticing stereotypes. We believe that this tool can be of practical use toward achieving the goal of facilitating critical observation and discussion around disability. The numerous items evaluating positive (e.g. character interacts as an equal; has a complex range of emotions) and negative (e.g. object of violence; sinister or evil) representations force audiences to take a more active role when viewing movies and television, as opposed to subconsciously internalizing harmful stereotypes without challenging those notions. For example, viewers of ABC's The Good Doctor may initially find the portrayal of autism in Shaun's character overwhelmingly positive because he overcomes a troubled childhood and becomes an impressive surgeon, and may not realize without the support of the rating tool that Shaun's character also represents several negative stereotypes. The rating instrument allows a viewer who may be new to disability studies to create a more informed, well-rounded critique of portrayals. Moreover, since the rating instrument requires numerical measurements of disability portrayals, researchers are able to manipulate the data to potentially create a "ranked list" of media, as done in the current study.

The rating tool was originally intended to evaluate movies; some rating items were difficult to adjust for elements of television series that differ from movies, such as the longer running time, increased opportunity for characters to adapt and change, and the room available for more complex plots and storylines. Furthermore, the general disability characteristics listed in the rating form failed to allow those focusing on one specific disability area (such as autism) to get the most nuanced evaluation of their media. For example, raters were asked to determine whether or not a character "expresses age-appropriate sexual needs," thus to assess the portrayal of autism as an explanation for normative young straight male awkwardness (Dewinter, 2017), or to consider whether the autistic character actually identifies as asexual vs. representing the stereotype of being uninvolved in character-developing age-appropriate relationships. Understanding of the diversity of sexual orientation and expression of autistic individuals compared to the general population has evolved in the two decades since the original rating tool was developed; the rating tool does not sufficiently address these more nuanced understandings (George & Stokes, 2017; Strang et al., 2020).

Additionally, it can be argued that some rating criteria in the tool conflate the full spectrum of autism with high-functioning autism. The aim of positive portrayals is accuracy, and it is neither accurate nor helpful to use rating items that exclude individuals on the lower-functioning extreme of disabilities. Items on the tool such as "Is part of the mainstream (holds a job, is a family member, student in a general education class)" or "interacts as an equal" may elicit bias in favor of high-functioning individuals and discount the experiences of those with more impairing circumstances. Perhaps the addition of examples that illustrate what education, daily life, relationships, or employment might look like with adequate supports for a lower-functioning individual would assist raters. The authors caution those intending to use the rating tool to be aware of this issue and ask that they be intentional about inclusivity when rating "positive" representations.

This rating tool, which originated in 2000, does not address the intersectionality of disability, race, and gender in ways that reflect current understandings and scholarship. Furthermore, because the rating tool focuses on one media source at a time, it is by design a poor tool for assessing representation of race/ethnicity, gender identity/sexuality, or socioeconomic status across that media source as a whole. However, the tool suggests a way that diversity in representation might be addressed. Currently, positive points are awarded for portraying a disabled character as an "extra" (background character) in recognition that this portrayal is rare, and that disability need not be the focus of every plot that includes a disabled character. A similar addition to the rating tool could address the intersectionality of disability, race, and gender with an item that acknowledges underrepresentation by crediting a portrayal of an autistic character who is non-white and/or gender diverse. Or this item could be a simple checklist of "Does the character represent a minoritized or dominant (1) race (2) ethnicity status (3) socioeconomic status and (4) gender identity or sexual orientation?" We believe this addition would provide opportunities for raters to perform more nuanced analysis and encourage discussion of discrimination, bias, and diversity when evaluating media, and that it would orient future raters to the straight and White-centric narratives pervading American media and draw attention to the importance of considering intersectionality.

Finally, the rating form did not differentiate between adult and children's television shows, and while raters appeared to take the age of the intended audience into consideration in their ratings and comments, the rating tool provided no guidance in making such determinations.

Limitations

This study had several limitations. First, only popular TV series accessible through streaming services were selected and only twelve series were analyzed, which, despite efforts to find all such series, may not have included every series portraying autism released in the last decade. Furthermore, selection criteria included only fictional series, not docuseries or series following real people. Third, some television series had more episodes and content than others, so ratings were not all on equal media lengths. Series containing more episodes may have allowed greater development or complexity for raters to evaluate.

Additionally, due to the nature of the media studied, some sources of information cited in this paper are not academic or peer–reviewed (i.e. IMDb), particularly information regarding actor preparation and consultation. While we are confident the information is correct, the use of such sources could potentially yield inaccurate information.

Despite training and practice with the rating tool, the raters' own background and biases may have affected their evaluations of the media reviewed. None of the raters are autistic, and they no doubt viewed representations differently than would an autistic individual or member of another marginalized or underrepresented community, potentially affecting validity and reliability of this study. Finally, with the exception of reviews completed for reliability checking, each series was evaluated by only one rater.

Two of the authors initially served as raters in the current study. This put them in the position at times of analyzing their own work, although the rating period of the study was separated in time from the period of data review. However, this dual role, common in media content analyses, provided continuity and prolonged engagement with data considered to be a marker of validity (Neuendorf, 2002).

Looking Ahead: Suggestions for Further Research and Practice

While the rating tool used in the current study provided a useful introduction to evaluating media representations, we recommend that future researchers make adjustments to this tool to get more accurate results. First, we suggest adjusting the tool to accommodate both television series and movies, to account for the differences in running time and scope. For instance, if a rater were to use this tool to assess only one episode, the results may be skewed compared to an entire season's results. We found that certain positive or negative aspects of portrayals of characters with ASD needed several episodes to develop. Secondly, it would benefit future researchers to adjust the tool to reflect the characteristics and issues relating to a specific disability category more accurately. While many disability issues and stereotypes do present themselves across disability categories, researchers may be better served by catering rating items to characteristics associated with specific disabilities. Third, as noted above, adjustments may be necessary to make the tool maximally useful for assessing portrayals of severe disabilities.

With the aforementioned adjustments to the rating tool, we encourage using this critical evaluation method, for example, in classrooms to teach students about disabilities. We suggest that educators present a movie or television show in class, prompting students to fill out the rating tool as they watch, or challenging them to do it on their own for homework. This could help students learn more about autism and could inspire them to think critically about societal issues related to disability and difference.

On a broader scale, we believe a crucial next step is to give greater voice to individuals with the specific disability being portrayed, in order to amplify those voices. The perspective of autistic individuals is paramount when speaking to the accuracy/stereotypes present in current media. Certainly future researchers should prioritize these voices to improve validity of their work. While this is beyond the purview of our research, media producers must employ individuals with disabilities more frequently and cast them in roles intended to represent them. The media is highly influential on societal perceptions and attitudes, and for this reason we call on film and television executives to work harder to normalize and celebrate neurodiversity in society. Instead of films and TV presenting characters with disabilities in stereotypical ways, such as the hero who triumphs against all odds or the awkward social outcast, they can be portrayed as would any other character. This includes more normal plotlines, more "typical" attitudes and conflicts, and fuller lives. These steps would help confront generalized fear and misunderstanding of disabled individuals, advance healthier relationships between those with and without disabilities, and create more positive self-perception among those with disabilities.

Conclusion

This study of twelve television series aired between 2010 and 2019 for popular audiences revealed that disability stereotypes long studied in movies are also present in recent television series and found in characters with ASD. Television portrayals that were reviewed and rated ranged from realistic depictions promoting both acceptance of the autistic individual and understanding of societal barriers, to highly negative depictions of autism as inevitably disruptive, isolating, laughable, or in need of extensive support or control. While raters found autism portrayals overall to be more positive/realistic than negative/stereotypic, disturbing depictions persisted.

We believe that as ASD is increasingly in the public eye and visible on television, it is incumbent upon producers, actors, script writers, and others to improve portrayals in order to support the societal goal of better understanding of autism and barriers that autistic individuals may encounter. It is important for children and adult consumers of screen media to see accurate and non-stereotypic portrayals of ASD and other disabilities so that the stereotypes identified in this study do not continue to be translated into societal perceptions and behaviors.

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Appendix

Rating Form for Television Series

Directions: Please provide a rating in response to each of these statements in the space provided, based upon your viewing of at least one season of the TV series. Provide an example whenever applicable.

Television series title, seasons viewed, and content rating:

Disability area of major character: autism

Part 1: Evaluating Positive and Negative Representations:

To what extent are the following portrayals of disability conveyed?

1 2 3 4 5
Not at all Somewhat A great deal

I. Positive Representations

The person with a disability…

  1. Has a complex personality, with a full range of emotions. _____
    Example:
  2. Interacts as equal. _____
    Example:
  3. Is part of the mainstream, for example, holds a job, is a family member, or a student in a general education class. _____
    Example:
  4. Is featured as an "extra" who happens to have a disability. _____
    Example:
  5. Is portrayed as an ordinary person without superhuman abilities. _____
    Example:
  6. Provides insight into societal barriers. _____
    Example:
  7. Is shown in loving relationship, expresses age-appropriate sexual needs. _____
    Example:

II. Negative Representations

The person with a disability is …

  1. Pitiable and pathetic. _____
    Example:
  2. Object of violence. _____
    Example:
  3. Sinister or evil. _____
    Example:
  4. "Superhuman" in abilities or effect on others _____
    Example:
  5. Subject of humor _____
    Example:
  6. A burden. _____
    Example:
  7. Lives separated from mainstream society. _____
    Example:
Part 2:
  1. Does the performer actually have a disability? Yes No

    If not, what acting preparation and/or expert consultation was provided?

  2. Common characteristics of the disability (autism): Persistent deficits in social communication and social interaction across multiple contexts; restricted, repetitive patterns of behavior, interests, or activities; with or without accompanying intellectual impairment and/or language impairment (DSM-5)

    Specific issues related to the disability: Deficits in social-emotional reciprocity, deficits in nonverbal communicative behaviors used for social interaction, deficits in developing, maintaining, and understanding relationships, stereotyped or repetitive motor movements, use of objects, or speech, insistence on sameness, inflexible adherence to routines, or ritualized patterns of verbal or nonverbal behavior, restricted, fixated interests that are abnormal in intensity or focus, hyper- or hypo-reactivity to sensory input or unusual interest in sensory aspects of the environment (DSM-5)

    What disability characteristics and issues are represented in the film? (see common characteristics and issues above) Are they accurately portrayed?

  3. What is your overall evaluation of this TV series?

    How did you access this series? (Netflix, Prime, Hulu, etc.)

    How difficult was it to access this series?
    easy moderately difficult very difficult

(Most of the rating items are taken from Safran, S. P. (2000). Using movies to teach students about disabilities. Teaching Exceptional Children, 32(3), 44–47.)

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