Disability Studies Quarterly Spring 2003, Volume 23, No. 2 pages 41-57 <www.dsq-sds.org> Copyright 2003 by the Society for Disability Studies |
Livable Communities Throughout the Life Course Elaine Gerber, Ph.D. Corinne Kirchner, Ph.D. |
Keywords: Blind and visually impaired, environment, life stages Abstract
Framing the issue What constitutes truly livable communities for people who are blind or visually impaired? Proponents of a social model of disability have identified the source of disablement in the environment, describing various ways in which aspects of the environment have served to limit and oppress people with disabilities. Yet, methodologies that systematically document and are able to measure environmental factors have been challenging to develop. This research continues that of other scholars, working in the qualitative mode (e.g., Scott 1969, Oliver 1990, Michalko 1998, Kleege 1999, Kudlick 2001), and the quantitative mode (e.g., Grey et al. 2002, Bowman et al. 2002, Horner-Johnson et al. 2002, Kinne et al. 2002). That body of research asks how certain structures and practices enable or disable the process of full cultural citizenship (Rapp and Ginsburg 2001, Das and Addlakha 2001). Our research is particularly interested in how individuals who are blind or visually impaired (B/VI) in the United States achieve cultural citizenship through accessible communities. What makes one's community 'livable' will vary according to preferences for geographic region, climate, and population size and density (rural, urban, suburban), but most importantly, by needs that change through major phases of the life course. We explored those variations using data collected through means described below, and analyzed using a 'life stages' approach. We considered the priorities expressed by youth or their parents, 'working age' adults, and elderly people. This project furthers the process of documenting the impact of the environment on the construction of disability by identifying criteria that people in the United States use to rate livable communities. It highlights the role of agency in creating enabling environments. Demographic background Blindness in the USA is rare. The National Center for Health Statistics' Disability Supplement to the 1994 95 Health Interview Survey (HIS D), estimated there were 6.4 million persons living in communities (i.e., non institutionalized) who reported 'serious difficulty reading ordinary print, even with glasses'. Within that group, 1.1 million people reported they were legally blind. This population differs from the sighted population in its 'life stage' distribution, as measured by age. Specifically, according to HIS D: less than 5% of the B/VI population are under 18 years (compared to 30% of the sighted population). Conversely, nearly 40% of the B/VI population are elderly, compared to a very small minority (less than 10%) of the sighted public. By contrast to the age distributions, gender and race distributions are more similar in the blind and sighted populations. However, indicators of socioeconomic status reveal important differences. Individuals who are B/VI are much less often employed, even in the usual working ages; have lower educational attainment; and are much more likely to be in poverty. People who are B/VI are more likely to live alone than are their sighted age counterparts (especially in the working-ages), and are more likely to be 'widowed, divorced, separated' (regardless of age). People who are B/VI do not differ greatly from other persons with severe impairments in these social and economic respects. As we know, financial resources and 'human capital' (both social and cultural) strongly affect people's options and choices for community participation. Methodology Guiding principle Besides the aim of advocating for more access where people already live, the project's secondary aim addresses information needs, geared to life stages, of persons contemplating moving to, or visiting, areas they are unfamiliar with. Indeed, the project began, in part, as a response to requests from people considering a residential move related to finding work, attending college, entering retirement, and the like; they sought research on places found desirable by people who are B/VI. Etic and emic perspectives There are at least two ways to look at the effect of life stage in our data. The first, what anthropologists call the etic view, takes an outsider or in this case, researcher's perspective. The second examines the emic point of view, questioning how disabled people themselves understand their lives in terms of life stage. We use both approaches here. First, we present data on livability criteria according to our classification of respondents' age related social roles: the data express environmental features found important across the life course, and also, within phases in the life course trajectory. Second, we discuss people's interpretation of 'life stage' as an important variable. Our data indicate that adults, across the lifespan, agree that life stage is an important organizing schema around which they orient their lives and make major life decisions. We conclude with implications for life course theory, as it relates to people with disabilities more generally. Sample We tried to reflect diversity, paying particular attention to geographic
regions (West, Midwest, Northeast, and South, as defined by the Census
Bureau), different sized communities (urban/metropolitan versus small
town/rural), severity of impairment, type of mobility aid used (long cane,
guide dog, or neither), race/ethnicity, gender and life stage. We know
the sample is biased towards higher educational and economic status, and
under represents youth. Advisory Committee and Focus Groups The research design itself elicited voices of individuals and shaped the data collection instruments. The initial phase used focus groups, organized by life stage, and informal interviews, as qualitative approaches to learn about the types of criteria and ways of thinking about them that people use. From those discussions we drafted an initial standardized survey, using both open ended and structured answer opportunities. We conducted surveys online, by email, or by phone with 200 participants, gathering their views on criteria of community livability, and good and bad examples of what makes a community livable. For more detail about the methodology, please visit: <http://www.afb.org/livability.asp>. Environmental features across the life course Criteria for livability
These criteria are discussed in greater detail below, although we have limited the discussion to features which rated as more critical to respondents, particularly highlighting ways in which they interacted and impacted the life course. Transportation
Although transportation was reported as crucial across the life course, it affects people in various life stages differently. Notably, for young adults, learning to drive is a rite of passage (Rosenblum 2000, Rosenblum and Corn 2001). Being unable to drive imposes burdens not shared by the rest of the population, for whom 'borrowing the car' is tantamount to freedom. Participants spoke about the difficulties they faced asserting their independence, or trying to date while being chauffeured by their parents, among other scenarios. Similarly, at the other end of the age continuum, older adults spoke of the difficulty of not being able to drive anymore (see also Corn and Rosenblum 2002, Rosenblum and Corn 2002a, 2002b). Older adults face increased mobility barriers not shared by youth, such as the timing of street lights, since they walk more slowly now. Mark from Maryland, who was in his mid 50s, told us:
'Walkability' Socio economic factors Sam, a working age male from New Hampshire, described his ideal neighborhood as one that contained a mixed pricing of homes, '...I do not want to live in the lower socio economic scale just because I ride the bus.' Many people reiterated this concern over the relationship between access to transit and cost of living. Natalie, a working age woman in Massachusetts said,
Steve, another working age adult in Virginia told us, 'Affordable housing near transportation is hard to find... If you want to live in a town home near the metro, you will pay $370,000, as you get further out the price drops [to] $60,000'. Again, this is an issue that was important to individuals regardless of age, but which showed distinct differences in the way that individuals are affected at different stages in life. More about the importance of housing for the older adult population is discussed below. As for the younger population, they may be more likely to move somewhere 'accessible' in order to improve their educational opportunities and employment prospects. Maria from Arizona explained,
Safety Older adults were indeed concerned about safety. Jesse, a male in his mid fifties explained,
But younger adults, whether as students or as parents, also expressed concerns over safety.
explained Jacqui, a female, college aged student and parent in Texas. In talking about safety, participants also referred to pedestrian safety not just violent crime (fear of being hit by fast moving cars, having long enough time to get across the crosswalks, and clear walkways). Pedro, an older adult living in southern California, described places that were 'safe' as:
Given that this population is much more likely to be unemployed, at all ages, and to have spent less time in the workforce than the average USA citizen, these issues become paramount. Environmental features specific to certain stages in the life course While the previous section dealt primarily with concerns across generational boundaries, we focus next on features which resonate more strongly with one life stage group than another. Childhood First, quality schools (including available assistive technology, experience dealing with blind students, and specialized instructors) and the role of parents and blind peers were regarded as significant. Moreover, schools and specialized services had to exist on accessible transit routes, so that blind parents could be involved in their children's education. Gary, a father from New Hampshire, pointed out the need for accessible information about a child's education (e.g., report cards, PTA announcements) in order to fully participate. Other parents explained that they sacrificed living on accessible transit routes in order to live in better neighborhoods with better schools for their kids. We gathered some data from older children, so called 'transition age' youth, whose needs are increasingly being addressed in the literature (see, Wolffe et al. 2000; McBroom 1995). Our project picked up particular concerns about employment (i.e., 'needing to go where there are jobs') in addition to the importance of quality educational opportunities. We hypothesize that the immediate and overarching needs of living somewhere affordable, with accessible transit, and good educational and employment opportunities dominated (see above), and that other concerns specific to this age group, such as social opportunities and recreation, may have been masked. 'Working age adults' We had concerns about labeling this age group on two counts. First, due to high rates of unemployment, individuals in the adult population of, say 25 55 years old (Federal studies about blindness tend to group working age adults according to these ages), are often classified as 'out of the labor force', thus making the category ambiguous at best. Second, the later life transition of 'working age adult' to senior citizen poses additional ambiguities, because so many people who experience vision loss later in life may take an early retirement due to disability, and because citizens, disabled and not, are living longer, healthier lives, and remaining in the workforce longer. From a theoretical standpoint, linear models of life course trajectory,
with traditional, distinct 'three stage' life stages may be overly simplistic
and/or problematic (see Corker 2001). A growing body of data is beginning to emerge on environmental factors in work settings for adults with impaired vision (see Lang 2000); however, much less is known about other environments for role performance, in part due to the cultural bias reflected in 'working age' language (in contrast to, e.g., 'childbearing age'). Other indicators of 'adult role' status (besides gainful employment), specifically marriage and family, occur with less frequency among people who are B/VI than sighted persons in the USA. However, community features that supported familial roles were not unappreciated in our sample. Melanie, a working age, single adult in North Carolina, defined her city as livable, in part because she could walk to a daycare center, 'I wouldn't need anyone else to pick up the kids, if I ever have any', she said. Tamara, another woman of childbearing age, explained how her blindness had to take a 'backseat' to other familial concerns in a recent move. Further attention should be given to the gendered dimension of the adult life stage in evaluating the way that environmental features support or constrain marriage and parenting options, not just employment. Other less obvious issues for adults, such as the presence of continuing educational, cultural and recreational opportunities, were important to this age group, as was the amount of community integration or 'general sense of acceptance' (including a sense of tolerance towards diversity, and the presence of other people with disabilities). That these are 'less obvious' reflects the stereotypes that (a) this age group identifies only with the work role, and (b) that people with disabilities are childlike, therefore not needing opportunities to live a full life in parental or other civic roles. But the latter roles were very important to many participants in our project. Janis, a working mother of a multiply disabled child, from Illinois mentioned,
While these issues are not exclusively the purview of adult persons, they featured prominently in the general livability of a community for this age group. Older Adults/Seniors While many of the older adults who participated in our project had also selected transportation as the most important environmental feature, their concerns over housing were not unapparent. And, they showed more interest in housing than did the working age group. This may reflect socio economic concerns of living on a fixed, retirement income, as well as increasing housing costs across the nation, particularly in urban areas. Thea, an older adult living in New York, said that she did not know how she was going to manage now that she was losing her vision:
Cost of retirement housing options will remain a major problem in the USA, as the population ages. The AARP has indicated that many aging adults are remaining in their own homes, despite age related onset of disability and illness (AARP 1986), probably reflecting inadequate housing options (discussed elsewhere) and an increased choice to remain in one's own home. Considering the input from older adults, these data serve as a further call for universal design regarding features that make communities livable: concerns of older adults with vision loss and sighted seniors seem to have a lot in common the need for a 'walkable' community, affordable cost of living, safety, and quality medical care (on bus routes, or with provided shuttle service). Harry, a retired high school teacher from Two Rivers, WI, explained, 'I'd want everything located on one floor but that has more to do with my age than my vision'. This was echoed in others' preferences, including Beverly from West Virginia, 'I prefer a condo, where there isn't a lot of outdoor work. It's getting to be kind of a chore'. Chris from Texas, who was considering relocating, explained, 'I want a pedestrian friendly community and to live in a neighborhood where I can walk to shopping, so I can remain as independent as possible for as long as possible'. Older adults may be less likely to move, as a result of vision loss, to a more 'livable' area than are younger individuals. Kate, a retiree from New York told us, 'I live in the same place as when I had my sight, so I know where things are'. Not moving may also maintain the desired social network that was rated very important to seniors. She added,
Seniors mentioned 'having friends and family nearby' to a greater extent than did working age adults, as an important personal factor in whether they perceived their community as livable. They also mentioned other 'less obvious' features, like the need for cultural activities and fitness opportunities, as did the working age group. Catherine, an 88 year old woman, who has lived in many different places, but keeps returning to New York because she can live independently, said,
Another under reported feature for older adults, that was important, especially considering earlier discussions regarding cost of living concerns and the 'later transition' issue, was employment. Richard, an older adult in Pennsylvania with a professional degree described it:
Further research with larger samples may highlight these, and other differences, by age. We now turn our attention to the emic question. How normalized is a life stage framework as an organizing schema? While the social model of disability draws attention away from biomedical
characteristics towards an emphasis on the environment, we felt it was
important to also inquire about individual or personal factors that might
shape one's experience or perception of whether one's community was livable.
We asked about socio demographic variables as well as about impairment
(severity, age at onset), and it is here that we begin to see what appear
to be surprising results, particularly in relation to life stage. Most surprising, however, when we asked people what their second most
important personal factor was, 'life stage' was the most frequently cited
option, cited by about one quarter of the respondents. Given that our
sample included a greater number of working age adults than other age
groups, we might have anticipated measures of independence (i.e., 'living
alone or on your own') to be ranked higher. Our hypothesis as to why life course appears so significant, has more to do with life course theory generally than anything specific to disability, let alone vision impairment. For example, we presumed that women (since they have limited reproductive years, and because they do the majority of caretaking for young and old) would be more aware than men of 'life stage', and therefore rate it as more relevant to their lives. Similarly, we presumed that as people age, 'life stage' would become more important to them. There are several ways to interpret these data. First, it could be entirely true that many people who are B/VI in the USA utilize a life stage framework as an organizing schema around which they conceptualize their lives and make major life decisions. If so, it adds validity to a life course approach as appropriate and useful for understanding disabled people's experience (in so doing, the life stage framework also speaks to the larger question about the extent to which theory generally reflects the average experience of disability). However, it is conceivable that the finding is a by product of our research. In other words, from what we have here, it is not possible to disentangle the separate threads of disability and life course: to what extent is life course showing up as important, because we are asking about disability? By asking about it, we may be highlighting the relationship in their minds. It may also represent sample bias in another way. That is, the people for whom making a residential move, or other livability concerns, were salient at the time of our study were the people who cared to respond to our study; they may be more attuned to life stage transitions, because they are currently going through them. Life stage might be more important in yet another way: because people with disabilities are fighting for full inclusion, they are more aware or conscious of the way(s) in which they are excluded from mainstream categories and social roles. Those for whom the stereotype of remaining childlike and not graduating into different adult life stages comes more close to fitting are not likely to have been picked up by this study. Conclusion Life stage is important because the theory challenges stereotypes of people with disabilities as childlike, or 'stuck' in the child phase of life. Not only is it important to highlight facets of life that show people with disabilities in general, and people who are B/VI in particular, as full adults and as active seniors, but also such a perspective helps clarify the needs these individuals have at various age related stages in life. It also helps us to examine environmental features central to people's lives in various stages, and to clarify the intersection between the environment and life stage. Life course theory can contribute to understanding the lived experience of disability, and highlights the community as the unit of analysis in that process. Although the initial findings from this project indicate that individuals who are B/VI orient around a life stage approach, this may be somewhat anomalous. In general, people with disabilities may be missing major markers of life stage: specifically marriage, family, and gainful employment (markers of adulthood through retirement), and the role changes associated with them. Our data may have sample bias, as this set of respondents is more likely to be involved in these roles. Understanding which aspects of the environment enable or disable full cultural citizenship is crucial in lieu of the treatment of people with disabilities as dependent/children. A project such as this can begin to counter that stereotype with empirical questions regarding the life course.
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Disability Studies Quarterly (DSQ) is the journal of the Society for Disability Studies (SDS). It is a multidisciplinary and international journal of interest to social scientists, scholars in the humanities and arts, disability rights advocates, and others concerned with the issues of people with disabilities. It represents the full range of methods, epistemologies, perspectives, and content that the field of disability studies embraces. DSQ is committed to developing theoretical and practical knowledge about disability and to promoting the full and equal participation of persons with disabilities in society. (ISSN: 1041-5718; eISSN: 2159-8371)